Someone asked me what I thought about something that then led me to the following.
———-“You asked so:here are a few of my general, overview thoughts:Bibi didn’t do anything that any other PM wouldn’t have done leading to 10/7. IE 10/7 was inevitable regardless of who was leading Israel. No one I’m aware of in a high position in Israel was calling for a different pre 10/7 approach. And if there were one, they’d be a voice in wilderness.And regardless who would’ve been PM after 10/7, Israel’s response, at least at the lengthy start, if not for longer, would’ve been roughly the same.Then Israel’s taking out of Hezbollah’s command and control under Bibi’s PMship was magnificent.And then though they’re both generally reviled, Bibi’s and Trump’s special relationship paid great dividends in their coordinated military emasculation of Iran’s nuclear ambitions, with it now fiscally quite on its heels.Israel has gained support from some Arab countries by its overall brilliant show of military strength.The difficulty of food delivery in the midst of war time fog and chaos, with Hamas trying its best to maximize Gazan suffering and then shift the blame on Israel, which plays into incipient world wide Jew hatred, has been evilly effective. ‘Hamas’s strategy is to maximize suffering on its own side—and then have the world blame Israel. Moral confusion in the West is its chief asset.’ (Coleman Hughes)The hostages have posed a tragic dilemma for Israel and have constrained it from trying finally to mop up the Hamas remnant in Northern Gaza.It’s hard to know exactly how Israel should end things in Gaza. She can’t, I don’t think, leave Hamas with the immediate possibility of remaining in or regaining power. It does seem now that Israel under Bibi has finally decided to go North in Gaza full force to try to finish that mopping up even at the risk of lives of the remaining hostages.As for Bibi leading Jews to our “doom,” I think that’s way overwrought even as Jew hatred is at high levels. If the choice is between finishing off Hamas and the world’s disapprobation, then I think the former outweighs the latter. If the former gets done, then Israel has time after to solidify world opinion especially if rapprochement with some Arab countries, especially Saudi Arabia, continues.The Macron-Starmer-Carney (with some other European countries to follow) condition-heavy call for Palestinian statehood imho isn’t going anywhere. And if Israel can finally dust off Hamas with then some return to Mid East normalcy such as that might be, then that trio stands to suffer politically and reputationally from their call.Here’s an excerpt from a paywalled Quillette editorial on this latter point:‘Against Palestinian Statehood:
Nurturing an alternative power structure in this kind of politically stunted society will be the work of generations.
It can’t be summoned into existence by Western leaders seeking to appease domestic constituencies.
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“The decision by several countries to recognise a Palestinian state is one of the fruits of the October 7 [terrorist attacks],” declared a Hamas official last week. “[Hamas] brought the issue back to the forefront, and that is why all the countries are starting to recognise a Palestinian state.”
Unlike most forms of Hamas propaganda, this claim has the ring of truth.
On 24 July, French President Emmanuel Macron declared that France will recognise Palestinian statehood in September.
Five days later, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer announced that the United Kingdom would do likewise as a means to spur a “proper peace process”—unless Israel “takes substantive steps to end the appalling situation in Gaza, agree to a ceasefire, and commit to a long-term, sustainable peace, reviving the prospect of a Two State Solution.”
Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has also signalled his intention to recognise a Palestinian state, albeit on the (improbable) condition that Palestinian society be fully demilitarised, democratised, and stripped of Hamas political influence by the end of 2026.
None of these announcements would have been made if Israel’s ongoing military response to Hamas’s 2023 terrorist attacks hadn’t generated a surge of sympathy for affected Palestinian civilians, while also sparking a wave of virulent anti-Israeli (and sometimes antisemitic) hatred.
Israel is not committing a genocide in Gaza. But tens of thousands of Palestinian civilians have died (the exact number is impossible to determine because the Hamas officials responsible for releasing casualty figures do not distinguish between combatants and non-combatants), and food shortages have become acute.
Images of dead, injured, and malnourished families circulate widely.
As a result, Western leaders such as Macron, Starmer, and Carney have faced mounting political pressure to take action of some kind.
By offering headline-grabbing announcements regarding Palestinian statehood, they can present themselves as proactive agents of peace.
The idea of Palestinian statehood is hardly novel. An aspirational entity known as the “State of Palestine” has been endorsed, on paper at least, by about three quarters of all United Nations member states. And UN bureaucrats, committees, and “Special Rapporteurs” regularly issue communiqués about the supposed need for the other quarter to follow suit.
In 2000, Yasser Arafat was offered a demilitarised Palestinian state by Bill Clinton and Ehud Barak on more than ninety percent of the West Bank and 100 percent of the Gaza Strip. Instead, he chose to unleash a terrorist campaign (euphemistically known as the Second Intifada).’”